May 31, 2015, Issue 218
ACTIVIST NEWSLETTER
Contact us or subscribe to Newsletter at jacdon@earthlink.net
The Hudson Valley Activist Calendar is at (click) 04-01-15 CALENDAR
Dear Reader:
This entire newsletter is devoted to one article. The article is long and detailed because it focuses upon a geopolitical matter of exceptional importance that is in the beginning stages now but will develop and continue for years and decades ahead. It focuses on the complex relationship between the United States and China and the problems that have been cropping up between them in the last year and which will continue.
Neither Washington nor Beijing wants big troubles. They will make efforts to minimize their growing differences. This article will identify the problems and players, which include Russia and Japan as well as the principals. It will also explain why the resolution to this contradiction could be a game-changer for the entire world, one way or the other.
By Jack A. Smith, Editor
Many millions of
Americans have opposed Washington's frequent and usually disastrous imperialist
wars. But far fewer challenge the concept of U.S. global "leadership"
— the euphemism for ruling the world that allows Washington carte blanche to
engage in wars or bullying whenever its perceived interests appear to be challenged.
It may seem like a century, considering the carnage, but it is important to
remember that Washington only obtained solo world power when the Soviet Union
imploded less than a quarter century ago. The next quarter century, as a new
world order is beginning to take shape in the very shadow of the old, will be
rough indeed as the U.S. government resists inevitable change.
At this point, equipped with the seven league boots only possessed by a superpower, the U.S. is far ahead of its detractors in the emerging competition to determine whether only one, or many nations in combination, will shape the future. The UN may figure in this, but only after the preponderant influence of the U.S. and certain other countries is reduced and more evenly shared with the rising countries, a number of which surely realize it's time for a change. They wish to avoid a dreadful future of devastating wars, rampant climate change, poverty and scandalous inequality.
President Obama is quite visibly seeking
to confront China, politically, militarily, and economically in
the Asia/Pacific region. This is what the "pivot" to Asia is about,
containing Chinese influence within its own geographical environment.
President Xi said recently that China is devoted to "promoting
a new model of major-country relationship with the U.S., keeping its comprehensive
strategic partnership with Russia, [and] strengthening its partnership with the
EU." China's partnership with Europe involves trade, investment,
environmental issues and the like. With Russia it's broader, specifically:
Energy, Business and Trade, High Technology and Industry, Finance, Military and
Political/Diplomatic.
Moscow's partnership with Beijing has become much stronger
in recent years. Russia is a major nuclear power, roughly equivalent to
America, with sophisticated military technology and hardware exceeding that of
China, to which it is now selling offensive and defensive weaponry after a
lapse of decades. The world's two biggest countries (size and population) have long
been wary of each other, but a perceived need to strengthen their defenses
brings them closer. Whether they will ever form a binding formal alliance is
not known, but Russia's power adds to that of China and vice versa. Commenting
on the relationship a couple of weeks ago Xi declared: "We are strong if united but weak if isolated."
Russia shares with China the threat of U.S. military power on
its periphery. Stratfor noted March 30: "From the Baltics to the Black Sea
and now the Caspian, the United States is on the search for recruits to
encircle Russia. Romania threw its lot in with the United States last year, but
this year, Turkey and Turkmenistan are the ones to watch.
Dear Reader:
This entire newsletter is devoted to one article. The article is long and detailed because it focuses upon a geopolitical matter of exceptional importance that is in the beginning stages now but will develop and continue for years and decades ahead. It focuses on the complex relationship between the United States and China and the problems that have been cropping up between them in the last year and which will continue.
Neither Washington nor Beijing wants big troubles. They will make efforts to minimize their growing differences. This article will identify the problems and players, which include Russia and Japan as well as the principals. It will also explain why the resolution to this contradiction could be a game-changer for the entire world, one way or the other.
THE HEGEMONY GAMES — USA v. PRC
he·gem·o·ny
həˈjemənē,ˈhejəˌmōnē
leadership or dominance, especially by
one country or social group over others.
Diving in — China's view of Washington's "pivot" to Asia. From China Daily, by Li Feng. |
The most important political relationship in today's world is
between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China (PRC).
Whichever way the relationship goes will have a major impact on global
developments for many decades. Big changes are beginning to take shape. Matters
of peace or war are involved.
This relationship between Washington and Beijing has existed
somewhat uneasily since the early 1970s after the PRC broke with the Soviet
Union mainly over intense ideological differences within the communist
movement. In effect the Communist Party of China (CPC) joined with capitalist
America in an informal tacit alliance against Russia. This was a geopolitical
triumph for the U.S. but not for China. In the last couple of years Beijing and
Moscow have developed a close relationship, largely as a repost to Washington's
expressions of hostility toward both countries.
Deng Xiaoping. |
China was considered a revolutionary communist country from
the 1949 revolution until the deaths of party leader Mao Zedong and Premier
Zhou Enlai in 1976. The left wing of the CPC was then crushed, and the
leadership in 1977 went to "paramount leader" Deng Xiaoping, a long
time revolutionary and high government official in many posts who had earlier
been purged twice "for taking the capitalist road."
Deng set about in 1980 to develop a dynamic capitalist
economy under the slogan of "using capitalism to build socialism." By
1990, after the U.S. and others imposed sanctions against China for the Tiananmen
Square confrontation with students seeking certain democratic changes, Deng
issued the following instruction to the CPC: "Observe calmly; secure our
position; cope with affairs calmly; hide our capacities and bide our time; be
good at maintaining a low profile; and never claim leadership."
The Chinese economy after 35 years is one of the wonders of
the capitalist world, particularly since it is still maintained by the CPC, as
are all other aspects of Chinese society. The PRC's political system is
officially described as being "socialism with Chinese
characteristics," though the socialist aspect has been abridged.
For many of these decades the U.S. superpower and global
hegemon has gradually sought to position China within America's extensive orbit
of states that look to Washington for leadership. Beijing came closer with
warmer relations, joining the World Trade Organization, respecting the World
Bank and IMF, even sharing war games with the Pentagon — but never so close as
to be stifled by Washington's dominant embrace. This didn't inconvenience the
U.S. as long as China was mainly involved with internal growth, building huge
cities, massive infrastructure projects and becoming the global manufacturing
center.
President Xi Jinping. |
But then two things changed. 1. By the time Xi Jinping
became general secretary of the CPC and president of China less than three
years ago, the PRC was about to surpass the U.S. as the world's economic giant
and was universally recognized as a significant major power. It had plenty of
cash, ideas, supporters and incentives to contemplate a larger independent role
for itself on the international stage. 2. Given China's growth, it evidently seemed
that strict compliance with Deng Xiaoping's defensive suggestion to hide
China's light under a bushel was outdated.
The Obama Administration is not pleased with China's more
forward stance. Relations between Washington and Beijing are cooling quickly
but both countries have a mutual desire to prevent this situation from getting
out of hand. The key difference, and it is of great significance to both
parties, is that China opposes hegemony in principle, and the U.S. is determined
to remain the global hegemon.
Contradiction is ever present in U.S. foreign/military
policy, and things are rarely as they seem to an American people largely
uninformed or misinformed about the realities of international affairs. This
observation is occasioned by the extremes to which U.S. policy and interference
around the world are being taken by the Obama Administration and its Republican
congressional alter ego, obstructive on domestic matters but complicit with
President Obama's principal international monomania — the retention of
Washington's unilateral global hegemony.
The Obama Administration appears to be preoccupied day and
night gallivanting throughout the world issuing dictates, administering
punishments, rewarding friends, undermining enemies, overthrowing governments,
engaging in multiple wars, subverting societies not to its liking, conducting
remote control assassinations, listening to every phone call and examining the
daily contents of the Internet lest someone get away with something, jailing
honest whistleblowers, upgrading its nuclear stockpile and delivery systems,
moving troops and fleets here and there, and that's only the half of it.
This is happening for one main reason. The U.S. has arrogated world rule to itself,
without authority, competition, or oversight, since the implosion of the Soviet
Union nearly 25 years ago. There is nothing more important to America's ruling
elite. Every possible danger to Washington's hegemony must be neutralized. And
looming in East Asia is the cause of Washington's worst anxieties — China.
Obama during his 2008 Victory speech. |
In his victory speech after winning the 2008 election, Barack
Obama — a humdrum one-term U.S. Senator with no foreign policy experience after
serving several years as an obscure Illinois state legislator — announced that
with his assumption to the presidency "a new dawn of American leadership
is at hand." He was referring to his own leadership restoring U.S.
international domination greater than ever after eight years of blundering President
George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney.
No one seemed to think twice about this. Democrats
applauded; Republicans nodded. After all, isn't that what the United States is
supposed to do?
Expanding global supremacy is a popular promise in America. Extreme
nationalism often wildly inspires the masses of a powerful country as it blinds
them to the equality of nations and humanity, and guides them to another proposed
conquest; and the prospect of greater profits through intensified world
domination compensates the powerful corporations and families that contributed to
Obama so generously in both elections.
The President frequently repeats his jingoist mantra about the
necessity of American "leadership," at times accompanied by pandering
clichés such as "I believe in American exceptionalism with every fiber of
my being." Speaking at an Air Force Academy graduation in 2012 Obama told
the cadets, "never bet against the United States of America... [because]
the United States has been, and will always be, the one indispensable nation in
world affairs." Applause, hats in air, now go out and kill.
Since the vast
corporate capitalist mass media is entirely in agreement with the sacrosanct
principle that only the United States is morally, politically and militarily
equipped to rule the world, Obama's flag-waving imperial intentions are rarely if
ever criticized by the press, Democrat or Republican. At least 90% of the
American people obtain virtually all their scatterings of information about
foreign affairs from a propagandistic ultranationalist media powerhouse
controlled by just six billionaire corporations.
Dissolved less than 24 years ago. |
The days of American hegemony over the nations of the world
are numbered. This is perhaps the main and certainly the most dangerous
contradiction deriving from America's determination to lead the world as
carried forward by President Obama and undoubtedly to be continued by the next
and the next administrations. There are many secondary contradictions strewn
throughout the world, but almost all are related to first.
The U.S. government is recklessly flailing its arms and
interfering in all the global regions to impose its will in order to indefinitely
continue enjoying unilateral domination and the sensation of luxuriating in the
extraordinary advantages derived from being the world's top cop, top judge,
only jury, mass jailer and executioner extraordinaire. If you doubt it, just look about at the human,
structural and environmental anguish created in the last 15 years by the action
or inaction of Bush-Obama world leadership. Think about the trillions of U.S.
dollars for destruction and death, and the paucity of expenditures for
construction and life. A better world can only emerge from a better and more
people-friendly political and economic global order.
Obama's policy of enhanced American "leadership"
has created havoc these last six years as a result of the collusion between the
Democratic White House and the Republican Congress — partners in the projection
of American armed power around the world. The main target — despite all the
elbowing and ranting about Russia, Putin, Ukraine, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Saudi
Arabia, Israel, Iran, Yemen, Islamic State, ad infinitum — is and will remain China. The U.S. does not want a
war with China, though one is certainly possible in time. It would prefer warm,
friendly and mutually beneficial relations, under one condition: The U.S. is
boss, and leads, while China — rich and powerful if it wishes — is subordinate,
and follows, even in its own natural sphere of influence. Beijing does not seek
hegemony, but it will not kowtow to the United States.
In the midst of all this rumbling and grumbling from the
White House, it may be interesting to become acquainted with the enormous but modest main national strategic goal
of the Communist Party of China. It is "to complete the building of a
moderately prosperous society in all respects by 2021; and the building of a
modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally
advanced and harmonious by 2049. It is a Chinese Dream of achieving the great
rejuvenation of the Chinese nation." So goes the Chinese
"menace."
China is not a newcomer to world politics and economic power,
as the U.S. government has at times suggested of one of the world's oldest and most
creative civilizations. As James Petras has written: "The study of world
power has been blighted by Eurocentric historians who have distorted and
ignored the dominant role China played in the world economy between 1100 and
1800."
This period ended because of Western imperialist
intervention and plunder, including the Opium War, which brought about the
humiliation and decline of Imperial China's final dynasty, which fell in 1911.
A form of semi-democracy/semi-feudalism prevailed until the Communist
revolution of 1949, when, in the words of Mao Zedong announcing victory, "The
Chinese People have stood up." In these last 66 years China removed about
700 million citizens from poverty, and has become the world's manufacturing
center and a major economic power.
The Chinese Communist government is calibrating its rise
very carefully, intent upon avoiding offense to the crouching, tail twitching American
imperial dragon. On May 21, Peoples Daily quoted a recent talk by President Xi
Jinping: "China aims to become stronger but not seek hegemony; the
strategic choice of cooperation and win-win [for all sides] is the path that
China chooses. China has always been a peace-loving nation that cherishes
harmonious relations. Its adherence to the five principles of peaceful
coexistence and anti-hegemonism has shown China's determination to stick to
peaceful development."
The five principles have governed New China since the
revolution. They are: "Mutual respect for each other's sovereignty and territorial
integrity; mutual non-aggression; non-interference in each other's internal
affairs; equality and mutual benefit; and peaceful co-existence." There
have been a few minor lapses, but these principles have remained stable and
effective all these years. China's concept of harmonious relations is of
ancient philosophical extraction. Frankly, in this writer's view, there are
times when China's criticism of an extremely inhumane aspect of one or another
state's internal affairs would do some good — but non-interference, much less
non-aggression, is vastly superior to Washington's endless interference and
aggression.
Xi's statement is an accurate representation of China's
foreign relations. This is the PRC's long-term global strategy of development. It
needs and wants peace. Washington knows all this, but that's not the point. Xi
declared that Beijing opposed the very concept of global hegemony by any
nation, including itself, and, of course, the U.S.. President Obama's primary
foreign policy objective, and assuredly that of succeeding administrations, is the
retention of global rule. This contradiction will eventually have to be
resolved through negotiation or hostilities.
China will certainly not confront the U.S. on this matter
within the foreseeable future. Beijing's reading of the tea leaves suggests that
world trends will encourage the incoming tide of multipolar world order and displace
the outgoing tide of unipolar dominion. Such thinking emerges from America's evident
decline, the imminent rise of the developing nations, and the mounting
dissatisfaction with the results of Washington's global rule among countries
not dependent upon Fortress Americana.
Writing in Time June 1, Ian Bremmer noted: "Emerging
countries are not strong enough to overthrow U.S. dominance, but they have more
than enough strength and self-confidence to refuse to follow Washington's lead."
This is a recent development that will continue to unfold in the next decade or
two.
At this point, equipped with the seven league boots only possessed by a superpower, the U.S. is far ahead of its detractors in the emerging competition to determine whether only one, or many nations in combination, will shape the future. The UN may figure in this, but only after the preponderant influence of the U.S. and certain other countries is reduced and more evenly shared with the rising countries, a number of which surely realize it's time for a change. They wish to avoid a dreadful future of devastating wars, rampant climate change, poverty and scandalous inequality.
The fact remains: Washington is determined to keep the keys
to the kingdom, and it is taking measures daily to strengthen its intention to constrain
China by depriving it of exercising even the regional power to which it is
entitled on the basis of its huge economy, a population of 1.4 billion people,
and its peaceful rise and intentions.
The U.S. navy, including an aircraft carrier, patrol East and South China Seas. |
The U.S. is at least two decades ahead of China in war technology,
equipment, nuclear weapons, various missiles, planes, ships — everything. John
Reed wrote in DefenseTech a few years ago: "Even China’s newest military
gear is reminiscent of Western or Soviet technology from about 20
years ago, or more." People's Liberation Army (PLA) leaders certainly want
to catch up and are making progress, but they can only approach near proximity if
Pentagon scientists decide to sleep for the next two decades. Instead, Washington's
immense military, several times that of China, is increasing the gap in real
time.
U.S. military spending this year will amount to 4.5% of GNP,
and that does not count a number of military expenses concealed in nonmilitary
budgets such as the new 20-year multi-billion dollar program to modernize U.S.
nuclear weapons and delivery systems (charged to the Department of Energy).
China's spending this year, with four times the American population, is 1.5% of
GDP.
China's extremely important cyber warfare advances may or
may not be equal to those of the U.S., but it is the only area of relative
equivalence, and it's causing headaches in the Pentagon.
The U.S. is frantically surrounding China with military
weapons, advanced aircraft, naval fleets and a multitude of military bases from
Japan, South Korea and the Philippines through several nearby smaller Pacific
islands to its new and enlarged base in Australia and, of course,
intercontinental ballistic missiles from the United States. The U.S. naval fleet,
aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines patrol China's nearby waters. Warplanes,
surveillance planes, drones and spying satellites cover the skies, creating a
symbolic darkness at noon. By 2017, the Pentagon plans to encircle China with
"the most advanced stealth warplanes in the world," according to RT.
"The Air Force’s F-22s and B-2s, as well as a fleet of the Marine Corps’
F-35, will all be deployed. This buildup
has been going on for three years and it is hardly ever mentioned in the U.S.
Washington seems to fear China's military defense capability
more than its potential offensive abilities, though that remains a serious concern.
In the Pentagon's annual report to Congress May 8, all 31,000 words were
devoted to "Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s
Republic of China 2015," including these:
"China is investing in capabilities designed to defeat
adversary power projection and counter third-party — including U.S. — intervention
during a crisis or conflict.... The PLA is developing and testing new
intermediate- and medium-range conventional ballistic missiles, as well as
long- range, land-attack, and anti-ship cruise missiles that extend China’s
operational reach, attempting to push adversary forces— including the United
States — farther from potential regional conflicts. China is also focusing on
counter-space, offensive cyber operations, and electronic warfare capabilities
meant to deny adversaries the advantages of modern, informationized warfare....
China’s military modernization has the potential to reduce core U.S. military
technological advantages." Concern was also expressed for "China’s
development and testing of missile defense."
Much of the Pentagon report is far more objective and
informative about China than statements from the White House, Congress and the
provocative corporate mass media: First of all it describes China's political
goal realistically: "Securing China’s status as a great power and,
ultimately, reacquiring regional preeminence." Question — Why is the Obama
Administration doing everything possible to thwart China's regional preeminence?
Answer — Because it is unwilling to share a regional portion of its own world preeminence
with any country that will not bend a knee to Washington's supremacy.
The report says accurately: "China continues to regard
stable relations with the United States and China’s neighbors as key to its
development. China sees the U.S. as the dominant regional and global actor with
the greatest potential to both support and, potentially, disrupt China’s rise.
Top Chinese leaders, including President Xi Jinping, continued to advocate for
a 'new type of major power relations' with the United States throughout 2014.
China’s 'new type' of relations concept urges a cooperative U.S.- China
partnership based on equality, mutual respect, and mutual benefit."
Most interestingly, the Pentagon also recognized that "Chinese
leaders see a strong military as critical to prevent other countries from
taking steps that would damage China’s interests and to ensure China can defend
itself, should deterrence fail. China seeks to ensure basic stability along its
periphery and avoid direct confrontation with the United States in order to
focus on domestic development and smooth China’s rise. Despite this, Chinese leaders in 2014 demonstrated a
willingness to tolerate a higher level of regional tension as China sought to
advance its interests, such as in competing territorial claims in the East
China Sea and South China Sea."
The Wall Street Journal May 13 defined the South China Sea as
"one of the world’s busiest shipping routes and a strategic passage
between the rich economies of Northeast Asia and the Indian Ocean. As much as
50% of global oil-tanker shipments pass through its waters.... China often intercepts
and protests over U.S. naval ships and aircraft conducting surveillance near
its coastline in the South China Sea.... Six governments – China, Vietnam,
Brunei, Malaysia, Taiwan and the Philippines — claim the waters, islands, reefs
and atolls in whole or in part, making the area a potential flashpoint."
Two countries, Japan and South Korea, have claims in the East China Sea to the
northwest, so eight nations are involved. China has long claimed authority over
almost all the islands on the basis of evidence the other states consider
inadequate.
The Obama Administration is navigating with abandon and
roiling the political waters throughout both seas, enthusiastically supporting
the claims of all the smaller nations against China's claims. This is a very
important and delicate matter because verified claimants are entitled to
exploit energy, mineral and other abundant resources in the proximity as well
as to deploy them for military purposes, if large enough, but most are tiny.
This is clearly a complex matter that should be resolved over time through
peaceful negotiations, and give and take dispute resolution. The continuation
of America's self-appointed role as advocate and protector of the
counter-claims of smaller countries against China will only cause more trouble.
The U.S. has absolutely no authority in this matter, and it
even refuses to ratify the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea,
which is equipped to mediate territorial disputes in the South and East China
Seas. Actually, Obama doesn't give a fig about the claims. The only purpose of his
intervention against China's claims is to consolidate and expand Washington's
large and growing cheaper-by-the dozen gaggle of regional client states — some
of which (Japan, S. Korea, the Philippines) have been U.S. protectorates since
the end of World War II. All these countries will support America's global political,
economic and military intentions in East Asia, including that of confining
China's influence within its own borders to the extent possible. If not, they
will be escorted to the door.
In this connection the U.S. is also exaggerating the fact
that China is involved in land reclamation efforts in five small reefs in the
Spratly Islands. It's expanding them by adding sand and making infrastructure
additions, including an airfield in one. The White house says up to is about 2,000
acres are at issue. Obama said a month ago that China was "flexing its
muscles" to browbeat smaller nations into accepting Beijing's sovereignty
over disputed islands, and more recently Washington implied it might send navy
ships and aircraft to the islands — but soon backed off because China's actions
were entirely legal.
In mid-May, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia
Daniel Russel told the
Washington Post: "Reclamation isn’t necessarily a violation of
international law, but it’s certainly violating the harmony, the feng shui, of Southeast Asia, and it’s
certainly violating China’s claim to be a good neighbor and a benign and
non-threatening power." At that point, the heavens finally intervened with
a lighter moment. Wrote the Wall Street Journal May 21: "Chinese Taoist
priest Liang Xingyang is rebutting the U.S. official’s understanding of feng shui. The term, which translates
directly as 'wind water,' refers to the Chinese philosophical system
of harmonizing the human being with the surrounding environment. In fact,
claims Mr. Liang, China's reclamation efforts are improving the region's feng
shui.... Mr. Liang maintained that feng shui 'belongs to the whole world,
but the power of interpretation stays with China.'"
Soon after the Pentagon report, China outlined a new
military strategy to boost its naval reach May 26. In a policy document issued
by the State Council, China vowed to increase its "open seas
protection," switching from air defense to both offense and defense, and
criticized neighbors who take "provocative actions" on its reefs and
islands. A statement in the document declared: "In today’s world, the
global trends toward multipolarity and economic globalization are
intensifying.... The forces for world peace are on the rise, so are the factors
against war.... There are, however, new threats from hegemonism, power politics
and neo-interventionism." China will speed up the development of a cyber
force to tackle "grave security threats" to its cyber infrastructure.
Cyberspace is highlighted as one of China's four "critical security
domains", other than the ocean, outer space and nuclear force.
In addition to military threats, and encouraging allies to
assist in containing China, Washington's "pivot" includes strong
intervention intended to increase America's economic clout in East Asia and
reduce Beijing's. Obama's chosen vehicle — the Trans Pacific Partnership — so
favors corporations at the expense of U.S. jobs, the interests of working
people, the environment and national sovereignty that many Democrats in
Congress, led by Sen. Elizabeth Warren, are sharply opposed. In the words of
Public Citizen:
"The TPP is a massive, controversial 'free trade'
agreement currently being pushed by big corporations and negotiated behind
closed doors by officials from the United States and 11 other countries –
Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru,
Singapore, and Vietnam.
The TPP would
expand the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) "trade" pact
model that has spurred massive U.S.
trade deficits and job loss, downward pressure on wages, unprecedented levels
of inequality and new floods of agricultural imports.
"The TPP not only replicates, but expands NAFTA's
special protections for firms that offshore U.S. jobs. And U.S. TPP negotiators
literally used the 2011 Korea FTA
– under which exports have fallen and trade deficits have surged – as the
template for the TPP.
In one fell swoop, this secretive deal could: offshore American jobs and increase
income inequality, jack up the
cost of medicines, sneak in
SOPA-like threats to Internet freedom (i.e., Stop Online Piracy
Act), and empower
corporations to attack our environmental and health safeguards, expose the U.S. to unsafe food and
products, roll back
Wall Street reforms, and ban Buy
American policies needed to create green jobs."
The Japan Times sounded like recalcitrant U.S. Democrats when
it reported May 15: "One big problem with the TPP talks is the secrecy of
the negotiating process. The participants are required not to publicize
developments in the talks and draft agreements while they are still being
negotiated. The talks are going forward without the Japanese public and
lawmakers being given relevant information on what is being discussed or agreed
upon. For example, it is impossible to know the details of discussions on
regulations the TPP nations can adopt for environmental protection and food
safety. Even when the trade pact takes effect, the participants will be
forbidden from disclosing internal documents on the negotiation process for
four years." Japan has not signed the TPP deal yet. It is demanding
concessions on automobiles and agricultural products.
The Senate rejected Obama's demand for a fast track arrangement
in mid-May, 52 to 45, but after corporate howls, promises and dollars it was
passed days later 62-37. Most Republicans supported the trade plan from the
beginning. Winning over his own party has proven so difficult that Obama has
introduced the false patriotism of anti-China rhetoric to shame recalcitrant
Democrats into changing their views. Speaking in May he said: "If we don’t
write the rules for trade around the world, guess what? China will.” Actually,
China is far more cooperative with U.S. trade proposals than obstructive. On
the TPP Beijing simply understands that it is aimed against China and that it
has many shortcomings, as Warren has repeatedly pointed out.
Although China earlier appeared deeply concerned about the TPP,
it now seems indifferent. Over the last several months, President Xi has combined
a well-financed, spectacular package of trade, banking, and infrastructure
projects that are bound to significantly advance China's power and prestige in
Asia, Europe and North Africa as well.
The two most important and far reaching projects are the Asian
Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), and the visionary, immensely expensive One
Belt, One Road (OBOR) project. The latter initiative is also referred to as the
New Silk Road after the 4,000-mile trade route between China and the West that
developed from 114 BCE to the 1450s. The accompanying maritime trade lanes were
called the Spice Route. OBOR, too, consists of a land and sea route. When New
China does things it's often in a big way, often with a touch of long-past
history in mind.
China's recent creation of the Asian Infrastructure
Investment Bank (AIIB) — an exceptionally powerful economic initiative destined
to benefit all of Asia and the world — was perceived by the White House as a
humiliating affront. Washington worked for months to undermine the impending
venture, advising allies and underlings far and near to keep out.
Beijing proposed the AIIB in October 2013; a year later, 21
nations, all Asian, gathered in Beijing and signed the memorandum establishing
the bank. Six months later, the membership has expanded to 57.
In mid-March, Washington's closest ally, the United Kingdom,
was among the first major western economies to join the bank, prompting an
extraordinary outburst by an anonymous high official of the Obama
Administration, who declared for publication: "We are wary about a trend
toward constant accommodation
of China, which is not the best way to engage a rising power." President
Obama had to give permission for "anonymous" to deliver so petulant and
insulting a remark.
Within a couple of weeks all the major world nations had
joined except Japan and the U.S. The rest knew a good deal when they saw it in
the midst of prolonged economic stagnation, particularly in Europe. Remember
Willy Sutton's answer when asked why he robbed banks? "That's where the money is." Their
economies will profit.
The international news analyst M.K. Bhadrakumar reported in
Asia Times May 26: " The AIIB Charter is still under discussion.
The media report that China is not seeking a veto in the decision-making
comes as a pleasant surprise. Equally, China is actively consulting other founding
members (UK, Germany, France, Italy, etc.). These would suggest that
Beijing has a much bigger game plan of scattering the U.S. containment
strategy. Clearly, the Trans-Pacific Partnership free-trade deal is
already looking more absurd if China were to be kept out of it. The
point is, AIIB gives financial underpinning for the ‘Belt and Road’
initiative, which now the European countries and Russia have embraced, as they
expect much business spin-off."
China benefits immensely, in terms of international prestige
and politically as well, from the new venture. The AIIB has become a strong
rival to the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, two powerful
U.S.-controlled financial organizations, as well as the regional Asian
Development Bank, ruled by Japan and America. China is not interested in debasing
these associations but in collegial modernization with Beijing having a voice.
What's the oddly named named One Belt, One Road (OBOR)
project stand for? The "Belt" refers to the Silk Road Economic Belt,
largely composed of countries situated on the original Silk Road from China
through Central Asia, West Asia, the Middle East and Europe. The "Road"
refers to the new maritime Silk Road. The initiative calls for the integration
of the region into a cohesive economic area through building infrastructure,
increasing cultural exchanges and broadening trade. Many of the countries that
are part of the "belt" are also signed up with the AIIB. The Maritime
Road is aimed at investing and fostering collaboration in Southeast Asia, Oceania,
and North Africa through several contiguous bodies of water.
Journalist Binoy Kampmark points out in Global Research:
"The economic belt, as Xi terms it, features such concrete manifestations
as high-speed rail lines [including one between Beijing and Moscow], highways,
bridges, and Internet connectivity. These, in turn, will be complemented by
port development that is already seeing a presence in the Mediterranean and
Indian Ocean. Spearheading the drive are China’s state-owned enterprises."
Two other countries play important supporting roles in the
U.S.-China exchange — Russia and Japan.
Chinese troops from all PLA branches marched in Moscow on Russia's Victory Day May 9 |
China has military and political/diplomatic relations with
the U.S. as well, but of a different character. According to Russian Insider: "Military: China
and Russia are engaging in military exercises of increasing scale and
frequency. Their respective General Staffs closely coordinate with each other. Russia
has resumed arms and technology sales to China. Political and
Diplomatic: China and Russia are joint founder members of the Shanghai
Cooperation Organization. They actively coordinate their foreign policy
positions with each other. They also work closely together and support
each other in the UN Security Council.
President's Xi and Putin at Victory Day parade. |
At the same time the PRC is trying to calm an aroused
Washington. Michael Swaine, a China expert at
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington recently told the press: "The Chinese are trying to convey a more moderate and softer message. They are trying to promote the image of a more flexible power." Chinese Vice Premier Wang Yang recently declared in a widely publicized speech that that the PRC "does not have any ideas or capabilities" with which to challenge or displace America's global command.
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington recently told the press: "The Chinese are trying to convey a more moderate and softer message. They are trying to promote the image of a more flexible power." Chinese Vice Premier Wang Yang recently declared in a widely publicized speech that that the PRC "does not have any ideas or capabilities" with which to challenge or displace America's global command.
"All along Russia's frontier with Europe, the U.S. military
is bustling with activity. Bit by bit, the United States is
expanding various military exercises under the banner of Operation Atlantic
Resolve. The exercises began in the Baltics and Poland and, as of last week,
expanded into Romania with plans to move into Bulgaria. So far, most of these
missions are on the smaller side, consisting of only a few hundred troops at
any given time, and are meant to test the U.S. ability to rapidly deploy units
to countries that can then practice receiving and working with these forces.
Additionally, various headquarter units from U.S. Army infantry brigades have
been rotating in and assuming control of Operation Atlantic Resolve in order to
practice joint command and control." Several hundred American troops are
in Ukraine training Kiev's military.
It was symbolically significant that that Xi Jinping was
seated next to President Putin at the May 9 Victory Day Parade in Moscow and
that a Chinese military detachment was part of the event celebrating the 70th
anniversary of the allied victory in Europe. Putin and Russian troops have been
invited to participate in China's celebration of Japan's defeat in September.
The U.S., Britain and France, Russia's former allies, boycotted the Moscow
event.
The new U.S.-Japan expanded military guidelines for
"defense cooperation" that was agreed in Washington between Japanese
Prime Minster Shinzō Abe and the
Obama Administration April 27 is of major geopolitical significance. Tokyo will
now increase its military role in the region and assume a "more robust
international posture," in response to growing Chinese influence. The
guidelines allow for global Washington-Tokyo cooperation militarily, ranging
from defense against ballistic missiles, cyber and space attacks as well as
maritime security.
China has sharply criticized the new guidelines, calling
them an attempt to undermine Beijing, as well as the geopolitical architecture
of the Asia-Pacific. Global Times, which is affiliated with the CPC, declared: "The
new guidelines have struck a threatening pose toward China, which is the
strongest driver for East Asia’s development. They should know that their
aggression has sent a dangerous signal to regional stability."
Washington also renewed and strengthened America's
"iron-clad" commitment to support Japan and all territories
"under Tokyo's administration." Japan and China are locked in a sharp
disagreement about their rival claims to tiny East China Sea islets and reefs,
some no more than large rocks sticking out of the water. Should the conflict
become a serious confrontation the Obama Administration evidently will
intervene on behalf of Japan.
The daily Indian newspaper The Hindu reported May 1: "Officials
from the United States have been quoted as saying that the latest guidelines —
updated for the first time since 1997 — end the geographic limits on the
Japanese military to operate. Following permission from Parliament, Japanese
forces can participate in military operations across the globe. 'The current
guidelines are unrestricted with respect to geography,' U.S. Defense Secretary
Ash Carter has been quoted as saying. 'That is a very big change — from being
locally focused to globally focused,' he observed. Analysts point out that the
changes to the U.S.-Japan pact inject more substance into President Barack
Obama's 'Pivot to Asia' doctrine, which the Chinese say lays the military
groundwork for containing Beijing’s peaceful rise."
Heretofore the terms of the "pacifist"
constitution imposed on Japan after it was defeated in World War II confined the Japanese military to fight only in Japan and in self-defense. The
right wing Abe government has sought to dispense with this constitution
entirely, but a majority of the Japanese people strongly oppose such a step. Abe
envisions Japan once again becoming a major military power in Asia. Actually
Tokyo already wields the ninth largest military force in the world, replete with
high technology weaponry.
China has just made an amazing overture to Japan in an
effort to reduce tensions. M.K. Bhadrakumar reported May 27 that China has decided
to extend the "hand of friendship to Japan," describing a
precedent-breaking event in Beijing May 23.
Opponents of Abe's militarist plans demonstrated in Tokyo, May 12, |
"A heavyweight politician from Japan’s ruling party
leads a 3,000-member delegation (yes, 3,000) to Beijing; the Chinese hosts
spread out a grand dinner for the 3,000 Japanese guests at the Great Hall of
People; President Xi Jinping makes an apparently surprise but carefully
choreographed appearance at the dinner; Xi makes an extraordinarily warm speech
full of conciliatory sentiments belying his fame as an assertive leader,
stressing the imperatives of Sino-Japanese friendship not only for the two
countries but for the region and the world at large; the heavyweight Japanese
politician steps forward in front of his 3,000-strong delegation and hands over
to Xi a hand-written letter from Prime Minister Shinzo Abe; Xi reciprocates by
conveying his best regards to Abe – a thaw in China-Japan ties seems to be at
work.
"Cynics might say Abe has a habit of sending
hand-written letters to counterparts in countries with which Japan has strained
relations, such as South Korea. But there is something beyond the calls of
public diplomacy here, as is apparent from the contents and
tone of the speech Xi made while addressing the goodwill delegation
from Japan. A Xinhua commentary noted, 'The onus is now on the leaders of Japan
to reciprocate the friendly tone and take concrete actions to mend frayed ties
with China.' The two neighbors are showing a spirit of pragmatism that was
considered unthinkable as recently as last November when on the sidelines of
the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation summit Xi and Abe held a frosty meeting."
The Financial Times reported April 30 "Washington is
giving up on the idea that a risen China can be co-opted as a stakeholder in
the present global order," implicitly suggesting that Washington is going
to adopt a much tougher stance toward China to preserve its geopolitical superiority.
The article references a new report on China from the Council on Foreign
Relations, the leading establishment voice in foreign affairs. Titled,
"Revising U.S. Grand Strategy Toward China," the newspaper reports it
"outlines a plan to draw together all the elements of U.S. power with the
goal of maintaining America’s 'primacy' in East Asia.... But balancing Beijing’s weight is one thing.
Nervous as they are, China’s neighbors have a powerful economic interest in
getting on with Beijing. A U.S. that sought permanent preponderance would be
inviting a collision. Unstoppable forces and immovable objects come to mind."
Both China and the United States want to keep their disputes
within bounds in the proximate future, if possible. This was demonstrated after
weeks of public squabbling May 16 and 17 when Secretary of State John Kerry
paid his fifth visit to China. According to a May 26 report in China-U.S. Focus
by Zhang Zhixin,
chief of American Political Studies at the China Institutes of Contemporary
International Relations, this is the meaning:
"As the highest-level American official who visited
China this year, with a hot China policy debate going on in the U.S., and the
Obama administration strongly criticizing China’s reclamation in South China
Sea, [Kerry's] visit has been regarded as a trip aimed at denouncing Beijing.
However, judging from the result, Kerry’s visit is better characterized as a
trip of in-depth communication.
"Early this year, American strategic circles started
another round of China policy debate. From the so-called 'cracking up' of the CPC
to the familiar rhetoric of the 'China threat' it made some American China
watchers believe the consensus underlying the U.S. China policy is
collapsing."
Kerry’s constructive visit "has been of great
importance at this critical moment. First, it shows that both countries would
like to manage differences before crises occur.... Chinese leaders tried to
reassure the U.S. side they are still committed to building a new major power
relationship....
"Second, this visit made timely preparation for the
coming bilateral and multilateral events — including President Xi Jinping’s
first State visit to the U.S. in September — that could shape the following two
year’s Sino-U.S. relations....
"Third, Secretary Kerry’s visit is a success as it
deepened the understanding between two countries at this critical time, but it
reminds both countries consensus is easy to reach but hard to actualize. The
disputes between two countries highlighted the U.S. misinterpretation of
China’s plans for future development. The U.S. side should neither overestimate
its influence upon China’s future, nor underestimate China’s ability to explore
its own way of development with Chinese characteristics."
Interestingly, a similar situation to the Beijing surprise occurred
weeks earlier when Kerry was sent to Moscow for talks with President Putin. Washington's
advance leaks suggested that he would read the riot act to the Russian leader because
of the Ukraine situation — but the opposite happened, evidently not least
because of U.S. concerns of a developing alliance between Russia and China.
Kerry turned on a dime just before both meetings, as though receiving late
instructions.
Apparently, the White House concluded its policy of pouting
and denouncing China is churlish and demonstrably counterproductive. Even some
of Washington's allies were beginning to look askance at Oval Office
shoot-from-the-hip decisions. However, nothing else has changed. The quest to
retain global rule is more pronounced than ever and the danger level is getting
higher.
Both the U.S. and China are strong and intelligent
countries. But as Darwin said, “It is not the strongest of the species that
survives, nor the most intelligent that survives. It is the one that is the
most adaptable to change."
Great changes have already started and the pace will
intensify in coming decades — politically, economically, environmentally and in
terms of social systems and world order. One needed change is replacing
single-country global hegemony with multi-country cooperation for the
advancement of humankind. The governments of several rising countries will help
bring this about, if possible, but it won't be easy.
Systemic changes are needed in our societies, as well. We
cannot simply paper over the class exploitation, gross inequality, racism,
poverty, state violence and the shredding of our ecology — and say that's "change." Billions of human beings alive today want a world where wealth is sufficiently
shared so everyone has at least enough. That's no exaggeration. Billions live
in poverty. They all want out. Whether in poverty or not, who prefers to live
in a world where the richest 1% of the global population own more than the
remaining 99%? That's our world today, and it must change.
— We would appreciate hearing from our readers about this article. Jack
— A second newsletter and a new calendar will be posted in a few days.
— We would appreciate hearing from our readers about this article. Jack
— A second newsletter and a new calendar will be posted in a few days.